Myanmar’s central cauldron and the threat to human rights

Mizzima

A UN report and a recent New York Times article entitled “Myanmar’s Civil War Has Become an Apocalypse” provide a stark reminder that despite the Myanmar junta pretending to change its spots, the country’s civilians remain in the cross-hairs of the armed forces.

Through a combination of dogged on the ground reporting by Hannah Beech for The Times and careful data sleuthing by the United Nations, the two reports highlight the continued campaign by the Myanmar military to hammer civilians, particularly in Sagaing and Rakhine.

Beech’s reporting for The New York Times describes the conflict in Myanmar’s Anyar heartland as an “apocalyptic civil war”, where underfunded rebels face relentless, devastating junta airstrikes. The region is plagued by mass displacement and civilian casualties, largely forgotten by the global community as the nation collapses into dictatorship.

The UN in their report entitled “Situation of human rights in Myanmar: Report of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights” lays out the statistics, offering a stark assessment of Myanmar’s worsening human rights crisis, concluding that more than five years after the 2021 military coup, the country has descended further into armed conflict, widespread abuses and humanitarian catastrophe.

Covering the period from August 2025 to January 2026, the report argues that the military’s planned elections failed to provide legitimacy or improve governance, instead coinciding with increased violence against civilians and further erosion of fundamental rights – few were fooled by the junta changing their garb from “green to white” under a quasi-civilian administration.

At the same time, the report highlights the emergence of local civilian-led governance and protection systems that have become the primary means of sustaining communities in areas beyond military control.

According to the report, military operations remained the principal source of civilian suffering. The Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) verified at least 702 civilian deaths during the reporting period, although it stresses that the actual figure is likely much higher because internet shutdowns, access restrictions and insecurity severely limited documentation. Women and children accounted for more than half of those killed. Air strikes represented the deadliest form of attack, with at least 505 civilians killed by fighter aircraft, drones, paramotors and gyrocopters.

CENTRAL CAULDRON

Central Myanmar, particularly Sagaing Region, and Rakhine State experienced the highest levels of violence. The report cites attacks on villages, hospitals, schools and other civilian infrastructure, including the bombing of a hospital in Mrauk-U that killed 33 civilians, and an attack on civilians gathered outside a school in Sagaing that killed 23 people.

While the report acknowledges that anti-military armed groups also committed abuses, including attacks on polling stations, election officials and military targets using drones, mortars and improvised explosive devices, it concludes that the scale and intensity of these actions were far smaller than those carried out by the military. It also raises concerns over reports of forced recruitment by some ethnic armed organisations, particularly involving Rohingya communities.

HUMANITARIAN FALLOUT

The humanitarian consequences continued to deepen throughout the reporting period. More than 3.7 million people were estimated to be displaced, although the report believes the true number is significantly higher. Nearly half of all displaced people originated from Sagaing and Rakhine. Millions remain without adequate shelter, food or medical care, a situation worsened by the March 2025 earthquake and seasonal flooding. Around one-third of Myanmar’s population now requires humanitarian assistance, while 9.2 million people face acute food insecurity. Northern Rakhine is identified as particularly vulnerable, with some areas projected to reach catastrophic levels of hunger. Inflation, declining livelihoods and military restrictions on the movement of goods have compounded these hardships.

A major focus of the report is the military-controlled elections held between December 2025 and January 2026. OHCHR concludes that the elections lacked the basic conditions necessary for a credible democratic process. Opposition parties had been dissolved or criminalised, prominent political leaders, including Aung San Suu Kyi, remained imprisoned, and thousands of political detainees were denied fundamental rights. Voting occurred under heavy military presence, widespread surveillance and coercion. Many interviewees reported voting only because they feared retaliation, conscription, loss of passports or government services, or harm to detained relatives. Others described incentives such as food, cash or utility payments being offered in exchange for participation.

Large sections of the population, including displaced people, conflict-affected communities and Rohingya, were effectively excluded from voting altogether. The report argues that the elections served only to entrench military rule rather than restore civilian governance.

LOCAL GOVERNANCE

Despite these conditions, the report identifies one of the most significant developments since the coup as the growth of locally organised civilian protection systems. Across much of Myanmar, communities have effectively replaced many functions traditionally performed by the state. Civil society organisations, local administrations, ethnic service providers and volunteer networks have created systems designed to protect civilians from military attacks while maintaining essential services.

Among the most successful initiatives are locally developed early warning systems. Communities monitor military aircraft movements, troop deployments and other threats using volunteers, radios, satellite phones and messaging applications. In many villages, church bells, loudspeakers, gunshots or other signals warn residents of approaching air strikes, allowing civilians to seek shelter before attacks occur. These systems have reportedly saved countless lives despite increasing military use of drones and night-time air strikes that reduce warning times.

ADAPTING TO THE CRISIS

Communities have also constructed thousands of household bunkers and improvised shelters, often using locally available materials because military restrictions prevent access to stronger construction supplies. Schools, hospitals and public buildings have been reinforced where possible, while evacuation plans have become routine. Mobile medical teams, volunteer ambulance services and underground health facilities now operate across many resistance-held areas. Health workers associated with the Civil Disobedience Movement have played a central role in maintaining medical services despite shortages of medicines, equipment and vaccines.

CRUCIAL LOCAL NGOS

Local humanitarian organisations have likewise become the backbone of emergency relief. They distribute food, water, medicine, shelter materials and cash assistance while establishing rice banks and transport networks that bypass military checkpoints wherever possible. Women’s organisations receive particular recognition for creating gender-responsive protection systems, operating safe spaces for survivors of gender-based violence and ensuring women participate in local governance and humanitarian decision-making. Civil society groups also conduct mine-risk education, public awareness campaigns and documentation of human rights abuses to support both early warning systems and future accountability efforts.

RESISTANCE GROUPS

The report also examines the emergence of local governance and justice mechanisms in areas outside military control. The National Unity Government (NUG) and several ethnic administrations have established systems for policing, dispute resolution and local administration. While these institutions face shortages of trained personnel, resources and legal expertise, they are viewed as providing greater legitimacy and access to justice than military-controlled institutions. International accountability efforts also continue, including proceedings before the International Court of Justice concerning alleged genocide against the Rohingya and ongoing investigations at the International Criminal Court.

However, OHCHR warns that many of these community-led initiatives face growing risks due to declining international funding. Budget reductions have forced closures of early warning centres, women’s organisations, ethnic media, health facilities and protection programmes, leaving civilians increasingly exposed. The report argues that predictable, long-term financial support is essential if these locally driven systems are to survive.

POINTING AT THE MILITARY

In its conclusions, the UN report states that the military remains overwhelmingly responsible for Myanmar’s human rights crisis. It calls for an immediate end to attacks on civilians, unrestricted humanitarian access, the release of political prisoners and an end to arbitrary conscription. It urges anti-military forces to comply fully with international humanitarian law and protect civilians. Finally, it calls on the international community, including ASEAN members, to increase political and financial support for democratic actors and community organisations, prevent the transfer of arms and jet fuel to the military, refrain from legitimising the military authorities, and strengthen international accountability efforts, including referral of Myanmar to the International Criminal Court.

Sources: OHCHR, Mizzima, The New York Times