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Anti-junta groups dismiss Min Aung Hlaing’s 100-day peace talk proposal as “unbelievable”

  • 36 minutes ago
  • 4 min read

Mizzima


Resistance leaders and analysts have sharply criticized the proposal for peace talks to take place within the next 100 days put forward by President Min Aung Hlaing, nearly five years after the military coup.


They say his call for political dialogue and for armed groups to lay down their weapons is merely an attempt to gain legitimacy in the eyes of both the international community and the public.


Speaking at the first meeting of his five-year term under the newly formed semi-civilian military administration in Naypyidaw on 20 April, Min Aung Hlaing stated that he was open to political discussions with Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs) by 31 July.


He specifically invited groups that had signed the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA), including the Karen National Union (KNU), the Chin National Front (CNF) and the All Burma Students’ Democratic Front (ABSDF). None of these groups have engaged in talks over the past five years. He also warned against making what he described as “unreasonable demands.”


However, ABSDF Chairman Comrade Than Khe told Mizzima that the military leadership is pursuing legitimacy through two main strategies: staging what he described as a sham election and attempting to revive the NCA peace process under false pretences.


“There is no genuine intention to resolve the country’s problems through this invitation,” he said.


He further pointed out that ongoing military actions – including daily airstrikes, village burnings, and the detention of political leaders – undermine any credibility of the proposed dialogue.


“As long as such actions continue, this so-called dialogue is nothing more than a tool for the regime. There is no reason to believe it,” he added, emphasizing that the initiative serves Min Aung Hlaing’s personal legitimacy rather than the country’s interests.


He also noted that the relevance of the NCA effectively ended following the 2021 military coup. Although the KNU, CNF, and ABSDF signed the agreement in 2015, they have since joined broader resistance efforts against the military regime.


Ko Aung San Shar, a regional commander from a special operations unit within the People’s Defence Force (PDF), also rejected the military’s statements, particularly accusations that PDF members lack knowledge.


“This claim is baseless. Even at the battalion level, the PDF includes doctors, educators, engineers, and many highly capable individuals,” he said.


He went on to criticize Min Aung Hlaing directly, arguing that it is the military leadership not the resistance that lacks understanding.


“The real question is who lacks knowledge. The so-called president should reflect on that. Military leaders have been shaped by authoritarian ideologies and are disconnected from the realities of the country,” he said.


He also emphasized that the PDF operates under the legal framework of the National Unity Government (NUG) and the Committee Representing the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), which were formed based on the results of the 2020 election.


“There is no need for us to prove our legitimacy. It is Min Aung Hlaing and his military, who seized power illegally and continue to harm civilians, who are “in the wrong”,” he added.


Regarding the 100-day period proposed by the quasi-civilian government, Ko Aung San Shar stated that resistance forces would instead intensify their operations.


“These 100 days will be a period of escalation. We will accelerate our military activities and respond with a well-coordinated strategy to achieve greater success,” he said.


He also said that previous promises by the military such as development programs and job creation have consistently failed to materialize, and therefore lack credibility among major resistance groups, including the NUG, CRPH, KNU, Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP), and CNF.


Political and military analyst Ko Soe Win Swe observed that while transitions from military to civilian rule are not unprecedented in Myanmar, Min Aung Hlaing’s approach is particularly concerning.


He compared the current situation to the transition under former President Thein Sein, noting that earlier reforms included some degree of institutional balance. In contrast, he argued that Min Aung Hlaing has already consolidated control over civilian administrative structures through loyalists, increasing the likelihood of deeper authoritarian rule.


“If he truly intended to become a civilian president, he would have prepared systematically placing trusted individuals in key legislative and administrative positions before orchestrating an electoral victory. What we are seeing now suggests a more repressive and tightly controlled system than before,” he said.


Ko Soe Win Swe also described the regime’s peace strategy as a classic “divide and rule” approach, combining coercion with incentives.


“In these first 100 days, the government appears to be targeting war-weary communities with offers such as loans, education, jobs, and infrastructure development to weaken resistance support,” he said.


He urged revolutionary groups to focus on improving the socio-economic conditions of people in resistance-controlled areas in order to counter these tactics. He further warned that the resistance movement is in a critical position.


“They are fighting on the edge of a cliff. Retreat is not an option. It would mean falling into an abyss,” he said.


Mizzima had contacted spokespersons from the KNU and CNF for comment but had not received a response at the time of publication.


 
 
 

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